SB-26 Issue 2
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ECO welcomes the fact Parties are finally starting to examine the implications of future emission pathways that will allow them to meet the ultimate objective of the Convention as defined in Article 2. This came up in the Ad-Hoc Working Group (AWG) workshop on Tuesday, and seems to have penetrated the discussions here in Nairobi more generally.
An examination of the limits on global emissions over the long term necessary to keep global warming to below 2oC is an essential parameter for negotiating emission reductions requirements for Annex 1 countries, as well as for understanding the scale of the efforts needed in developing countries.
It is possible to estimate the atmospheric greenhouse gas (GHG) concentration levels, and from there annual emission levels, that will have a good chance of keeping global warming to less than 2oC above pre-industrial levels. Timing is also key. There are remaining uncertainties in precisely quantifying the climate sensitivity, so the best the world can do at this stage is to define a range of probabilities for meeting the long term target. This is a very good reason to keep the system of five-year commitment periods in the future iterations of the Protocol, but that is another story.
The figure below shows one scenario for the division of the annual emissions ‘pie’ between different groups of countries within an overall cap that will put the world on a pathway towards stabilisation at a given concentration level. The stabilisation level will determine the likelihood of keeping warming to below the desired target. Using the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change language, a 550 ppm concentration level is ‘likely’ (65-90 per cent chance) to overshoot 2oC, and a 450 ppm concentration level has a ‘medium likelihood’ (35-65 per cent chance) to overshoot 2oC. To make it ‘likely’ to stay below the 2oC target, concentration targets then must be for 400 ppm or lower.
Meeting the ultimate objective of the climate convention – to avoid dangerous climate change – is going to require significant action on a global basis. The politics of that will of course be complicated, but the science is certainly clear.
The world has to act even faster and take more dramatic action if it is to avoid damage associated with a 2ºC global average temperature rise. This means that for now, the aim has to be stabilising GHGs in the atmosphere and then seeking to bring them down as rapidly as possible if there is to be a reasonable chance of keeping global temperature rise below 2ºC.
To meet these goals dramatic reductions in GHG emissions are needed, and they are needed soon. From a moral, legal and practical perspective, the initial burden of emissions reductions has to fall on industrialised countries. Domestic reductions of at least 30 per cent on 1990 levels (the ‘baseline’ year for the Kyoto Protocol) by 2020 from industrialised countries are required, with a target of at least 75 per cent reductions by mid-century.
Globally, there is a need to ensure emissions peak as soon as possible, and no later than 2015-2020, and then reduce them by 50 per cent by mid-century. This means not only that industrialised countries must make dramatic reductions in the next decade but a fair means must be found for engaging rapidly industrialising countries in reduction efforts in the near future.
Consequences of delay in the process of reducing emissions means the world will face a dire global emergency in the 2020s which will require rates of emission reductions in the past only associated with massive economic collapse such as the collapse of the Soviet Union. The world must not be forced to choose between economic catastrophe and climate catastrophe. The most likely outcome in that case would be both, and we have a good chance of avoiding this if we Act Now.
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Tuesday’s mid-term elections in the United States swept the Democrats back into power in the House of Representatives, and could give them control of the Senate as well if the one remaining undecided race breaks their way. This political tsunami was largely the result of US voters’ frustration with President Bush and his conduct of the war in Iraq. But it also will have important implications for future US energy and climate policy.
One of the six elements of the Democrats’ election campaign platform calls for reducing US oil dependence and energy prices by investing much more heavily in energy efficient technologies and renewable energy sources. Speaker-of-the-House-to-be Nancy Pelosi has termed the Bush-Cheney energy policy “an abject failure for the American people,” and says it is time to “send our energy dollars to the Midwest, not the Middle East.”
Increased funding for clean energy research and expanded incentives for use of bio-energy and other renewable resources like solar and wind are clearly on the agenda for the new Congress. A federal standard requiring electricity suppliers to generate more of their power from renewable energy, which has twice passed the Senate, may now move through the House as well. Pressure will also mount to increase fuel economy standards for automobiles and light trucks, though final passage is by no means certain. President Bush, who publicly acknowledged Americans’ “addiction to oil” in his last State of the Union speech, might be hard-pressed to veto reasonable energy legislation sent to his desk by the new Congress.
Unfortunately, the same cannot be said when it comes to global warming. There is absolutely no indication that this president will drop his long-standing opposition to mandatory limits on greenhouse gas emissions, or reverse his decision to pull the US out of the Kyoto Protocol. Progress on this issue must await the next president taking office in January 2009; the good news is that leading candidates in both parties are on record in support of federal legislation to limit US emissions.
But the new Congress will challenge the Bush administration’s global warming policy on several fronts. The new Democratic chairmen of the House Government Reform and Science Committees are both vocal critics of the administration’s efforts to block federal agency climate scientists like Jim Hansen from speaking freely to the press and public about the dangers of climate change. If the Democrats take over the Senate, the current Chairman of the Environment & Public Works Committee, James Inhofe (who has called climate change the “biggest hoax ever perpetuated on the American people”) would be replaced by Senator Barbara Boxer, a leading sponsor of legislation to cut US greenhouse gas emissions 80 percent by 2050. The Senate Energy Committee would be chaired by Senator Jeff Bingaman, another proponent of action on climate change and the only member of Congress to attend last year’s negotiations in Montreal.
There was also progress at the state level in Tuesday’s elections. Duval Patrick’s successful bid for Governor of Massachusetts means that state will rejoin the Northeast Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative and is a boost for Cape Wind, America’s likely first offshore wind farm. Similarly, California Governor Schwarzenegger’s re-election victory can be read, in part, as a reward for his championship of the state’s new mandatory climate action plan. And voters in Washington state passed a ballot initiative requiring that 15 per cent of their electricity come from renewable sources, joining the 20-plus states that have already adopted renewable energy targets.