Tag: SBI

Time to Walk the Walk on Civil Society Engagement

"We can't do this by ourselves"…“NGOs provide a valuable perspective and expertise"…"NGOs support is essential for the success of the UNFCCC process". 

ECO was delighted to hear these statements and many concrete proposals echoing from the plenary hall Wednesday morning at the SBI workshop on NGO participation.  But now, ECO wonders…will they walk the walk?  Talk is nice, and everyone loves to be praised for being valuable (we’ll take it!).  But ECO knows all too well that talk is one thing, action is another.

ECO is hopeful that the report coming out of the workshop, and formal negotiations to (hopefully?) follow in the SBI will take the statements and turn them into positive actions.  Will informals be open to ensure NGOs are able support the process?  Will NGOs be able to provide their “valuable perspective” through more and flexible opportunities to intervene as is common practice in the UNFCCC’s sister convention the CBD?  Many questions remain.

Unfortunately, across the hall from the SBI workshop, there wasn’t much reason for hope for improvements.  At door after door, NGOs were kept out of LCA informals throughout the day.

In a particularly illustrative exchange in the LCA plenary, Tuvalu made a strong case for the opening of the informal group on REDD to observers and indigenous peoples in particular.  Unfortunately, PNG tried to block the idea, alleging among other things that Tuvalu did not have enough trees to allow it to speak on behalf of forest peoples.  Cameroon had the gall to questions whether indigenous peoples groups actually represent indigenous people. ECO questions whether all government here also represent the interests of their people.

ECO urges Parties to listen to their friends who spoke in the SBI workshop and take the comments to heart, both in these days ahead in Bonn and in its work in the SBI to promote longer term improvements to NGO engagement.  We are “essential” after all…or least that’s what we’ve heard from the Parties.

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This is Our Home Too!

ECO would like to take you down memory lane for a moment and recall the monumental obstacles civil society observers faced in Copenhagen. Thousands were denied access despite being registered to attend the conference, while others were arbitrarily removed from the conference venue for actions taken by other members of their delegations.  There was no opportunity to appeal these decisions.  This experience highlighted the need for Parties and the UNFCCC Secretariat to address these and other participation concerns.

Today, the SBI will consider this issue once again in an all-day workshop to further develop ways of enhancing civil society engagement. The Parties and the Secretariat have each acknowledged that vibrant public participation increases transparency and trust, and “allows vital experience, expertise, information and perspectives from civil society to be brought into the process to generate new insights and approaches.” But, current processes are not adequate to guarantee these benefits.

ECO, on behalf of our civil society family, makes the following demands:

  • Fewer “closed” negotiating sessions, making them the exception rather than the rule (i.e. negotiating sessions, including informal meetings, should be open to observers by default).
  • Increased opportunities for interventions by not requiring  observers  to  submit  interventions  in advance, and by guaranteeing interventions at the end of all sessions with an opportunity to intervene during the session at the chair’s discretion.
  • Observer submissions included in official documentation.
  • In addition to the formal negotiating process, clear, effective and uniform processes for participation in institutional bodies and mechanisms under the UNFCCC framework, such as the Transitional Committee of the GCF and the Adaptation Fund. 
  • Access to documentation at the same time as Parties.
  • Increased transparency and accountability regarding restrictions on access, which should be imposed only in exceptional circumstances and based on clearly defined criteria.
  • An independent committee to consider problems/disputes relating to observer participation.
  • ECO looks forward to fully and effectively participating in today’s workshop, and to making progress towards enhanced participation.  After all a house becomes a home when everyone has a say in how it is run.
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SBI & SBSTA Agenda Woes

ECO watched with dismay the two-day (and counting…) negotiation over the agenda of the subsidiary bodies.  We were happy to see that the Ad hoc Working Groups got underway in a constructive fashion yesterday and hope to see quick resolution to the issues holding up the SBI and SBSTA.

Since these discussions are taking place (sadly, once again) behind closed doors, ECO is not in a position to judge what is really happening. We do realise that there are high political stakes in the issues being talked about broadly in these negotiations. Developing countries are being asked to do more in terms of MRV of actions and reporting while finance commitments are inadequate and reduction targets are slipping.  The fact that the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol is uncertain weighs heavily on many parties mind and on ours as well.

The work of the subsidiary bodies is critical to moving forward on many issues, but particularly for Adaptation, REDD, and MRV.  In Cancún, the advances in these three issues represented a real breakthrough for the last few years of negotiations. Those decisions set the stage for real action on the ground if Parties can begin working out how to operationalise them.  And getting these details right could help pave the way for the political decisions needed from the LCA and from the KP. While there are, no doubt, serious issues involved in the discussions around the agenda, the disagreement among Parties is undermining the  ability of the UNFCCC to effectively and efficiently  conduct the process to reach a FAB deal. 

ECO is unwavering in its belief that the UNFCCC is the most appropriate place for global cooperation on climate to take place so it  wants to see the UNFCCC more empowered.  We hope the parties can find a way to resolve these agenda disputes, preferably before they arrive at the meeting, in a way that strengthens the power and capabilities of the UNFCCC for the “full, effective, sustained, implementation” of the Convention, which is fundamental to life on Earth.

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Responsible Approaches to Finance at Scale

We are starting the crucial final week. Ministers are being briefed, crucial new texts are being minutely analyzed and insect bites are spreading. With so many difficult, complex and itchy matters competing for attention, it might be easy to overlook one fact. We have only two years to get climate finance flowing at scale before fast start finance expires in 2013.  But there’s good news: a variety of innovative sources of climate finance are right at our fingertips.
This week, Parties should create a robust process to discuss sources of long-term finance, with a clear work plan and outcomes that can deliver concrete decisions by COP 17. These steps will address where the financing will come from, and acknowledge that meeting mitigation and adaptation objectives  means scaling up finance substantially over the long term
The new LCA text usefully calls for a look at needs and options for mobilizing long term finance. But in the absence of a work plan and outputs, negotiators will face another year of wrangling over how to move forward.
Sources of financing is a political issue, not a technical one, and it must be discussed in the LCA, not pushed off into the SBI or a body focused on designing a new fund.
The issue was held in abeyance this past year while the UN Secretary General’s Advisory Group on Climate Finance (AGF) did its work. The AGF has now released the findings of 9 months of study. While ECO was disappointed that private finance and carbon markets are spotlighted, and multilateral development banks are inappropriately considered sources instead of channels of finance, this constitutes an impressive body of work including workstream papers that can serve as a useful starting point for the coming focus on ways to mobilize public finance.
One source is government budgets from developed countries.  This will continue to be an important source of international climate finance, and a scale for assessed contributions will be an important output of the process.
But to scale up public finance to the necessary scale, rising rapidly from fast-start levels, other innovative sources will be required. Mechanisms to address emissions from international shipping and aviation fit that bill.
The AGF has endorsed a mechanism to solve the equity question under the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities raised about this mechanism. The AGF proposal involves using a rebate to ensure that developing countries are not subject to any net incidence or burden from global measures to address emissions in these sectors.
In the shipping sector this rebate would be based on the share of global imports attributed to each country. Other options are discussed for the aviation sector. Developing countries will be entitled to the rebate, while the share of revenue attributed to developed countries would be administered under the UNFCCC and be used for adaptation and mitigation actions in developing countries.
Text introduced by Chile should supplement the Chair’s LCA text on aviation and maritime transport.  However, a process for committing to public finance options must go beyond the AGF report to include new submissions, workshops and a clear workplan to get to decisions by South Africa on specific sources.
If we can break the longstanding deadlock in addressing emissions in this crucial and grow, negotiators and Ministers can claim an important success here in Cancun. And all those mosquito bites can be a badge of honor.

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The Benefits of Public Participation

There isn’t much reason to praise the United States these days, so ECO is pleased to report that the US got it right in yesterday’s SBI contact group.  Echoed by supportive interventions from Mexico, the EU and Bangladesh, the United States highlighted that enhancing observer participation is not for the benefit of the observers, but rather is to benefit the Parties and the entire UNFCCC process.
Today, the SBI Chair is continuing contact group discussions on observer participation.  We appreciate the emphasis he has placed on this matter as demonstrated by his willingness to chair the contact group himself.  
Moreover, the Chair’s management of the contact group was a model for the implementation of one of the most important measures necessary to make civil society participation more meaningful.  Observers were given not just the opportunity to make one intervention, but were able to participate in the give-and-take of the discussion on an equal basis with Parties.  This kind of opportunity to provide input directly and in real time is vital to ensuring relevant, useful public participation.  
It is important to build on this progress.  The SBI should call on the Secretariat to implement new practices that ensure real-time access to negotiations and negotiators.  For example, open contact groups and other negotiating sessions should be the rule, not the exception.  Civil society should have immediate access to proposals and other documents that are necessary to make relevant input.  Observers should have substantially enhanced opportunities for oral interventions and written submissions should be included in MISC documents along with Party submissions.  And civil society must be able to use varied tools, including non-violent demonstrations and stunts, to put the spotlight on inadequate or inequitable developments in the negotiations.
These kinds of new rules and practices should be developed through a process that involves stakeholders as equals.  This means not only soliciting input at the outset, but also giving civil society the opportunity to review and comment on proposed new rules and practices before they are implemented.  
Finally, the SBI should avoid creating mechanisms that look like enhanced participation but really aren’t.  Some have proposed creating a few high-level panels through which NGO input would be directed to the COP or other UNFCCC bodies.  This would be an unwieldy process at best resulting in watered down input that would almost certainly come too late to be useful.  Similarly, while a pre-COP NGO dialogue might result in some interesting general input, it cannot be a substitute for real-time direct input into the negotiations.  That is the heart of real public participation benefits.

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Advancing the New Delhi Work Programme

With all the talk of finance gaps and gigatonne gaps, there has been much more progress in closing the climate-education-and-awareness gap.  Now there is an opportunity to go even further in the SBI. The New Delhi Work Programme adopted at COP 8 under Article 6 of the Convention comprises a promising set of commitments. The pillars of education, public participation and awareness-raising help to combat an atmosphere of climate denial and skepticism. Without a critical mass of public understanding and support to address the threats of climate change and the opportunities of clean energy development, the gap between the negotiations today and a fair ambitious, and binding global deal could become a chasm. The upcoming mid-term review of the New Delhi programme is a unique chance to build bridges between governments and citizens. That will only happen if civil society has the opportunity to fully contribute to the review along with Parties. This can best be realized by amending the New Delhi Work Programme to extend beyond 2012 and strengthen it to provide more local and regional climate education. Elements required include creating financial mechanisms specifically to fund Article 6 activities, recognizing and supporting youth organizations as key providers of non-formal and peer education, and supporting the diversity of forms that public awareness building can take, including arts, entertainment and both 'online' and 'real-life' social networks. The SBI should call for civil society as well as Party submissions on the review of the New Delhi Work Programme. Similarly, the Secretariat should receive a broad mandate to conduct its review of the work programme with as much civil society participation as possible. Parties should also provide the financial means to enable the Secretariat to organize regional workshops on the implementation of Article 6 in the SIDS and Africa. Previous workshops have been invaluable in communicating the objectives of Article 6. These regions deserve that resource, too. Because it is less controversial of a gap to cross than finance or emissions commitments, it should be easy for Parties to agree on filling voids in climate awareness as a step toward bigger things.

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