CAN Position - Carry Over of the Kyoto Surplus of Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) - Nov 2009
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CAN Position Paper - November 2009
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Now that the dust has mostly settled and Parties are back at the negotiating table in the KP track, it is a good moment to take stock and reflect on the African Group gambit earlier in the week.
An important result from Wednesday's plenary is that industrialized countries will put their emission reduction targets on the table with no further delays, including the portions that will be met through international offsets and from land use change and forestry. It is truly amazing that after four years of negotiating the post-2012 regime this information isn't readily available.
Some Annex I countries haven't even tabled their overall targets yet. (And ECO won't comment here on the non-Kyoto major developed country and whether they have numbers on the table.)
It is no wonder that many developing countries are feeling more than a little frustrated by the lack of progress on emission reductions commitments from rich countries. If all developed countries actually delivered the requested information on their targets it would, at long last, provide the needed clarity on their opening bids, including how much of their effort will be domestic actions to reduce emissions, as well as how much will simply be bought from abroad. And countries planning on achieving a large portion of their target from LULUCF credits could be queried for clarification on how they expect to do so without resorting to weak accounting rules that allow phantom credits.
The agreement to put these details on the table is an important moment in the negotiations. But mind you, what this development does not do is deliver actual decisions, like an aggregate target for developed countries. If that kind of progress isn't seen soon, no one should be surprised if frustrations rise further and tactics become bolder. Of course, further breakdowns, here and going forward in Copenhagen, can be avoided if developing countries see political leadership from their rich counterparts on the critical issues such as Annex I emission targets.
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What a difference only three weeks has made. Delegates, before checking up on your homework assignments from Bangkok, let's take a step back and look at the wider political picture.
Several governments previously not seen or heard from are frantically preparing for Copenhagen. Their heads of government and state want to make a strong statement when the big show premieres in 34 days ... and counting. These leaders want to do the right thing for their people and the planet. They are asking the hard question: What has prevented negotiators from implementing the Bali consensus?
Two things are standing in the way of an equitable agreement that limits or prevents dangerous global warming: too much fear and not enough ambition.
First, there is unsubstantiated fear of a legally binding agreement. ECO has written before about the commitment-phobes wandering these hallways. Responsibility and trust are what´s needed here!
Without trust -- and the transparency and accountability that underpin it -- no real deal can be had. But just as important, without those that have the greatest historical responsibility coming forward, Copenhagen will go down in history as the largest, most expensive party in the restaurant at the end of the universe.
Secondly, there is insufficient ambition, and here is what we mean: enough ambition to have a future ... to enable people to enjoy the fruits of their labour without the constant fear of looming environmental disaster ... the ambition to leave to the next generation a greener planet.
Transition to low carbon development must be brought about within the next decade. The foundations for this urgently needed shift must be contained in the Copenhagen agreement. And what do we mean by a fundamental shift? Only good things: investment in green technology worldwide, drastic cuts in emissions, and support for sustainable development and adaptation that really works. Real ambition leads to a real transition.
Moving forward this week, Parties need to produce the manageable strong negotiating text that somehow eluded them in Bangkok. The important questions can be answered. ECO knows you can do it.
The temptation to declare success along the road to Copenhagen, no matter what the outcome, will of course be great. So, to help sort the high road from the other roads, this week ECO will highlight attempts to greenwash and continue to award Fossils to those Parties who have earned them. Remember, however, proposals that banish fear and build ambition will be get praise just as swiftly and surely.
The negotiations this week offer delegates an opportunity to give strength to vulnerable communities and make our ecosystems stronger. Decisions and discussions to date have yet to fully embrace that opportunity. It's time to pick up the pace from Bangkok, focus on the essential elements of a Copenhagen agreement, and prioritise the remaining time on negotiating those key points.
So for those who have misplaced the homework assignment from Bangkok: What do we want out of Barcelona? Progress, including but not limited to elements in the highlighted box.
The rising tide of local climate action is capturing the hearts and minds of people around the world. As we get to work in Barcelona, many of them are working just as hard to raise awareness and strengthen the resolve of their political leaders from Delhi to Washington, from Warsaw to Tokyo, and say, just do it in Copenhagen. Will you?
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After delaying the decision all year, last week's summit of EU heads of state and government finally agreed on concrete numbers for the scale of public financing needed for adaptation and mitigation in
developing countries.
ECO of course recognises that the EU is the first Annex I Party to do so, but observes that much more will be needed to seal the fair, ambitious and binding deal we need in Copenhagen. And now is the time for other developed countries to come forward with more ambitious proposals, to push the EU further in the right direction and propel the world towards success at COP 15.
By now, nobody should doubt that the scale of new and additional public money provided by developed countries for climate action in developing countries is one of handful of top issues that will make or break the Copenhagen deal. In our assessment, at least EURO 110 billion in new and additional public finance is required.
The EU starts by heralding a figure of EURO 100 billion which they say will be devoted to the total investments needed for climate action in developing countries. But looking more closely, this is not entirely public money or even largely so; it includes a public finance estimate of EURO 22-50 billion, plus money that will flow through carbon markets for the purchase of offset credits, and even beyond that, contributions to be made by developing countries themselves.
A public finance share of EURO 22-50 billion must be considered inadequate for three reasons.
1. The public share is simply not enough. There are serious concerns on the ability of the carbon markets to finance reductions beyond the tonnes sold for offsets. So much reliance on non-public sources will reduce assurance for delivery of the overall finance required. And further, even the underlying European Commission calculations noted that low Annex I targets would mean dramatically higher public financing needs. A quick look at the current aggregate Annex I mitigation targets suggests a rapid upward reappraisal of these financing estimates is needed.
2. It is not clear the EU thinks this money must be “new.” All public financing contributions under a Copenhagen agreement must be additional to the 0.7% of GDP that developed countries promised long ago to developing countries for development assistance. In addition, we know that the EU by itself will get new and additional annual revenue of around EURO 30 billion by 2013 within the EU Emission Trading Scheme, a perfect opportunity to allocate some of these new public revenues to meet international adaptation and mitigation needs.
3. This money needs to come from developed countries. The EU is clear that it prefers that developing countries (except LDCs) also contribute alongside developed countries, on the basis of their GDP and -- most importantly -- their emissions. ECO would like to remind the EU that under the Convention it is the rich countries who have financing obligations. Developing countries are already paying the costs of climate change daily in the impacts on the lives and livelihoods of their citizens.
So the EU has broken away from other developed countries and raised the flag on concrete financing discussions -- with real numbers attached, numbers that these international talks have been starved for all year. But this is an opening bid, a starting point for constructive discussions on financing this week.
The spotlight will now unavoidahly shift to the US and other rich countries, and they should start talking real numbers too. The race that the EU has started must be continued towards the top. EURO 110 billion in new and additional public finance from developed countries marks the finishing line for a fair and safe outcome in Copenhagen.
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Right now in Barcelona is the time for Annex I Parties to change their LULUCF strategy and stop looking for cheap and easy credits from this sector. Continuing on this path will undermine the integrity of the Copenhagen climate agreement instead of creating a fair and transparent accounting framework through which industrialized countries take full responsibility for emissions from logging and bioenergy production.
It has already become clear that seriously flawed rules will be challenged by non-Annex I Parties and observers alike. Moreover, continued advocacy for such rules by some Annex I Parties risks a setback in the overall negotiations and raises the necessity for further modifications such as caps or discounting.
Fair and effective forest management accounting rules will provide an incentive to make structural changes in forest management that benefit the climate, and discourage forest management practices that yield little value. Yet the options in the current working text are flagrantly asymmetric.
Sources of debits are variously removed from the accounting altogether, defined away in the reference levels, explained as natural disturbances, or delayed for decades by favorable wood product accounting. Erasing debits is like deciding that nobody will ever fail in a pass/fail system – and will provide about the same amount of motivation for the effort to get forest management right.
It's a little hard to believe, but the positions taken by many Annex I negotiators effectively define their preferred management choices as carbon-neutral, regardless of what emissions actually are. In this fantasy world, you incur no debits for a ‘business-as-usual’ policy of cutting forests at age 50 even if most of the national forest estate is now 49 years old and you’re about to cut it all down! Nor do you receive debits for stepping up forest harvest to produce bioenergy. But the atmosphere sees the debits as emissions that should not have increased.
Annex I LULUCF negotiators need to remember -- or be reminded by their ministers and civil society -- that the planet is at stake here and, yes, we actually need to reduce emissions. Good intentions are welcome, but we are not here to engineer rules to avoid changing how forests are managed.
ECO is pondering what would happen if other sectors played the LULUCF game. How about assigning zero emissions to the power sector if they ramp up production using a business-as-usual practice of burning oil? In the LULUCF world they would only count the emissions if the sector switched to a dirtier fuel like coal. But that's not what we meant by 'ambition' in a good Copenhagen deal.
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CAN member 350.org, in close collaboration with a large number of partners, has organized close to 5000 actions in over 180 countries around the world on Saturday, October 24th, calling for immediate and aggressive climate action. It figures to be one of the largest global days of action of all time, on any issue, and looks to provide a boost of momentum in the lead up to Copenhagen.

In the buildup to the event, the USA Today published a column by former Anglican archbishop of Cape Town and Nobel Laureate Desmond Tutu, endorsing the event and its goals. In it, Tutu writes, "In South Africa, we showed that if we act on the side of justice, we have the power to turn tides. Worldwide, we have a chance to start turning the tide of climate change with just such a concerted effort today."
Bill McKibben, Founder and Director of 350.org, published an op-ed in the Boston Globe on Friday, as US President Barack Obama prepared to deliver remarks in Boston at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. McKibben reminds readers, "Global warming is different from almost every other problem we face. The negotiation that really counts is not between Republicans and Democrats or industry and the greens, or even between the United States andChina. The real bargaining is happening between human beings and physics and chemistry, and that’s a tough negotiation."
For more information on the Global Day of Action, visit the 350.org website, where you can find an activity in your area.
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ACTION ON ADAPTATION THE SCALE OF THE CHALLENGE AND REQUIRED RESPONSES A position paper by Climate Action Network International
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CAN Position on Technology Cooperation and Sharing April 2009
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All the talk about how little negotiating time remains before Copenhagen inspired ECO to turn to our dictionary of quotations for wisdom and guidance. Apparently 1960s British artist Andy Warhol once said:
“They say that time changes things, but you actually have to change them yourself.”
This is just how ECO feels about the time available to negotiators to fulfill the promise made in the first paragraph of the Bali Action Plan:
“To launch a comprehensive process to enable the full, effective and sustained implementation of the Convention through long-term cooperative action (LCA), now, up to and beyond 2012, in order to reach an agreed outcome and adopt a decision at its fifteenth session.”
ECO wants the Copenhagen talks to get the best possible start. More than talks, it requires that political blockages around the big ticket items of Annex I emissions cuts and financing contributions be overcome. But time cannot be made the scapegoat.
The missing ingredient this week has been political will, not time.
Former US Senator Jesse Jackson said: “Time is neutral and does not change things. With courage and initiative, leaders change things.” There has been no lack of opportunity for our leaders to put their minds to resolving their differences. They have met at the G8, the MEF, the G20 and at the UN Summit, and they will meet again at the COP. But no number of additional talks, either under the UN or other auspices, will make up for their failure to table an offer that negotiators can sink their teeth into.
Here in Bangkok, negotiators have clearly shown they can trim text even when their instructions prevent agreement. Imagine what they could do if they were told to deliver! If leaders deliver the mandate for a real deal in Copenhagen, that may mean extending the Barcelona session for an extra week. Or scheduling another session and continuing negotiations straight through to Copenhagen, with provision for the Haj season.
And what of the mandate required for negotiators to trim more text?
There has been general support for the work undertaken by the facilitators in preparing papers to facilitate negotiations. So, a mandate for the facilitators to produce revised negotiating texts will be an important extension of the consolidation work that has already been underway this week. Starting Barcelona with a shorter text, setting out clear options in the key areas for discussion will put the negotiations on track for Copenhagen. With a good text basis for LCA negotiations and by genuinely advancing discussions under the Kyoto track, Barcelona can be a success. For good measure and to help speed things along, maybe it is also a good idea to invite Ministers to join delegations in Barcelona.
Since dinner in Spain is not served until 11pm, Ministers would have plenty of time over tapas to starting bridging the gap.