Tag: Adaptation

No Time to Lose

Dearest delegates, we gather you’ve been working hard behind those mostly closed doors. But let’s face it, following the failure of Copenhagen to deliver a fair, ambitious and binding agreement, the refusal all this year to set aside differences and focus on areas of convergence may yet scupper the UNFCCC talks. At Cancun, you will bear a heavy responsibility.
If one were to believe the international media, the story of Tianjin has been a high stakes standoff between the US and China, ‘I won’t do till you do’ stalling, and negotiating paralysis. So let’s unpack that a bit.
On the one side there is the United States, the emissions superpower that so far has not submitted itself to internationally binding carbon reduction commitments, and really has to do far more than a measly 4% reduction target on 1990 levels. A commitment on long-term finance would suit the Americans much better than a tone of righteous indignation. And though it pains us to say it, as in Bali, the US should step aside if it is not able to make real commitments, and let the world conclude an ambitious deal.
On the other side, China has been working hard at home to implement a commendable low carbon vision. China could propel the negotiations forward by agreeing to international consultation and analysis of its low carbon actions.
There are, however, more than two countries in the world and every country has something to offer in the negotiations. Whilst things have not gone smoothly this week, we gather that Parties made some incremental progress. However, incremental progress does not cut it with the planet, nor will it be sufficient at Cancun.
Creating momentum requires commitment. At Cancun we need to refuel and take aim at the most ambitious level of agreement possible across all elements. Crucially, we need to map out the next important step of our journey to a fair, ambitious and binding deal in South Africa. A failure to plan our route – with a timeline, workplans and format for negotiations – will have us meandering along the dirt tracks as if we had all the time in the world, whilst climate destruction takes the fast road.
A positive development at this meeting is that negotiators have begun to grapple with the package for Cancun. The fact that a vast majority of Parties are seeking a legally binding outcome in the LCA track is self-evident.
But we are also pleased that so many Parties have expressed willingness to recommit to the Kyoto Protocol with a second commitment period. That must be crystal clear in the Cancun package.
It is essential that the stand-off in the legal matters group ends, otherwise there may be unintended consequences to the future of the Kyoto Protocol.
Parties gave assurance in Bali that there would be no gap between commitment periods. But that’s not what is happening, and carbon markets, already soft since Copenhagen, will likely weaken further.
Here are essential elements of the package to contemplate between Tianjin and Cancun:
FINANCE
Discussions on finance have focused on the establishment of a new fund under the Convention. The COP should also establish an oversight body to perform crucial functions such as ensuring coherence of the financial mechanism, coordination, and assuring a balance of funding.
We know that some countries have been working hard to bridge the divisions on these issues. At Cancun we expect that Parties will establish a Fund with democratic governance, providing direct access for developing countries, and functioning under the guidance and authority of the COP.
TECHNOLOGY
Technology often tops the lists of potential outcomes in Cancun, yet the details have remained elusive in Tianjin. The key question is the institutional arrangements of a multilateral mechanism, with the aim to scale up and speed up the use of climate friendly technologies. Here again, governance should be placed under the authority of an entity whose mission is focused on limiting warming to 1.5o C.
MITIGATION
Mitigation clearly is a most essential element of the package. Despite this, negotiators chose to dive into contention rather than seeking convergence. A focus on developed country pledges, the NAMA mechanism, as well as NAMA design, preparation and implementation took form only on Thursday.
In preparation for Cancun, Parties should replace their ‘dog ate my homework’ excuse with a willingness to agree rules that will ensure the environmental integrity of their emissions reductions.
Before Cancun, we recommend catching up on the science. Preventing dangerous climate change clearly requires more substantial emissions reductions. A balanced Cancun package will require Annex I parties to show how they are going to meet their moral obligations and to act in line with the science. We recommend acknowledging the gigatonne gap between current pledges and science based targets, and agreeing a route to South Africa that addresses ways to close the gap.
CAPACITY BUILDING
Everybody appears to agree that capacity building is both vital to success and key to movement in Cancun. The principles were well-established as early as COP 7, and developing countries (particularly LDCs, SIDs and Africa) have been clamouring for years for a dedicated capacity building framework with real resources and a genuine desire to succeed. And yet still nothing happens. How long will it take at this rate?
LULUCF
The logging industry must be thrilled at how forest negotiators mangled the
LULUCF accounting rules this week. The proposal forwarded to Cancun undermines the environmental integrity of Kyoto by hiding increases in emissions and awarding false credits to loggers.
Because so much time was spent on devising these accounting tricks, minimal
attention got paid to emissions from land-use change beyond forests – another potential loophole. The only proposal for managing forests that has any environmental integrity was given short shrift.
Furthermore, the damage this proposed decision can do to REDD accounting is not to be underestimated. To prevent another Marrakesh, the damaging impact of forest accounting on the targets will have to be addressed in the broader KP numbers discussion.
REDD
From time to time this week, the curtain has lifted on the Dante-esque world of the REDD+ Partnership. We have been mesmerised by the heroic, if misguided, struggle between the co-chairs and the rest of the world. However, we are also saddened that what could be a valuable institution has become a farce. We can only hope that things will get better.
ADAPTATION
A focused atmosphere prevailed in the adaptation talks, which are progressing on content and may eventually deliver a compromise agreement. ECO reminds parties that the adaptation framework must include operational elements and result in action on the ground.
To move forward, Cancun must clarify the functions of the adaptation committee, enable a tangible solution on loss and damage, finally put response measures back in its box, and search for balance between adaptation and mitigation funding, including a pre-allocation scheme.
 

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[VOICE] Global Climate Talks and Constitution Making in Nepal: A Comparison

Global Climate Change talks and the process of constitution making in Nepal has several similarities. The agreement made in Bali, Indonesia (resulting in the Bali Action Plan) and the provision in the Interim Constitution of Nepal. Both the processes had similar mandates - two years for drafting a new agreement respectively on a fair, ambitious and binding outcome under the UNFCCC / a fair Constitution for the Nepali people. Both were delayed, brushing aside the high expectations and with very little hope for meeting timelines, one more year has been added for both discourses as we found to our dismay at the beginning of this year. Lack of trust among the countries in the Climate Change discussions and among Nepali political parties engaged in the drafting of the Constitution is hampering the negotiations on both ends, and there's little hope that the negotiations/drafting will be complete within the revised-time frame. In this whole process, we, the Nepali Civil Society, are getting to see both the painful processes very closely.


Climate Change discussions peaked gradually after COP 13 held in Bali, Indonesia. Parties adopted the Bali Road Map as a two-year process to finalize a legally binding agreement in 2009 in Copenhagen. The Bali Road Map decided to establish subsidiary bodies under the Convention to conduct the process- the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action (AWG-LCA) and the Ad Hoc Working Group on Further Commitments for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP) - that were to complete their work in 2009 and present the outcome to the Conference of Parties at its 15th session in Copenhagen. Ending with a weak political statement, the Copenhagen Conference was not successful and failed to meet our expectations. The parties were not able to remove the brackets (undecided issue within parties) from the draft text of Ad-hoc working groups; this resulted in the working groups being given extended mandates until Cancun, Mexico (COP 16) at the end of 2010.


The Nepalese Constituent Assembly is a body of 601 members formed as a result of the Constituent Assembly election on April 10, 2008. At the first session of the Constituent Assembly on 28 May, it voted to declare Nepal a Federal Democratic Republic, thereby abolishing the monarchy. Besides this, the newly elected jumbo body is receiving criticism on several fronts : lack of evidence about real work done to the public, the excessive expenses that are inflating the budget of the country towards its upkeep and alleged charges of corruption amongst members of the Assembly.

 
It is clear that the main reason for the failure to nail down a final agreement is a lack of political commitment endemic to both the discourses. At the Nepali Constitution Assembly front, members have not been able to move ahead with the constitution writing process and within the international climate discourse, member states clearly lack high level commitment to further the climate talks, thus the negotiations have failed to ratchet up its pace, and so has the constitution writing process. The priority at present should be the peace process and constitution making in Nepal. However, the parties are giving too much emphasis on who should lead the government, which shows the misplaced priority of the parties. By making the peace process and constitution writing their priority, the parties need to work collectively to write the new constitution and complete the peace process.


To contrast both a little, Climate change discussion at this moment seems quite progressive, as compared to discussions within parties here in Nepal. While the political powers seem to have forgotten the main issue and focus on getting their hands on the prime ministerial lollypop – the climate change discussion is moving ahead under the leadership of Christiana Figueres the new Executive Secretary of UNFCCC.


The extra year derived from the extension of the tenure of the Constituent Assembly in Nepal and the time frame between Copenhagen and Cancun is an opportunity for the political parties of Nepal and world leaders to create yet another milestone worth making Nepalese proud, both at home and abroad. We really hope that the leaders will make the best use of this opportunity for the advancement and welfare of this nation. Likewise we the people of Nepal hope that the International community and world leaders will make us all proud by agreeing to a international agreement on climate change that will be fair, ambitious, equitable and stem the tide of a changing climate before it is too late.

- Manjeet Dhakal

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Fair Shares Finance for Adaptation

This has been what might be called a year from climate hell with floods, droughts and scorching temperatures across the globe.  But those steering the debate on climate

financing are slow to get the point. As now envisioned, climate funding will bypass the most vulnerable.   

The vast majority of the grossly inadequate existing flow of climate finance is focused on mitigation.  For example, only 7.45% of major public funds reported at
climatefundsupdate.org are for adaptation.   

And there’s not much evidence to suggest that this basic pattern will change with fast-start finance.  Adaptation and the needs of the most vulnerable are still too often the forgotten step-children.  

Going forward, ECO isn’t suggesting that there’s too much financing for mitigation – au contraire!  But it is vital that adaptation gets its fair share of attention and funding.  A new global climate fund is just the place to make this happen. 

To ensure that the most vulnerable benefit from adequate, predictable and sustainable financial contributions, we propose that a fair pre-allocation of funding for adaptation is crucial.  

Specifically, the finance text should
ensure that at least 50% of overall funding counted against UNFCCC commitments should be dedicated to adaptation, and at least 50% of money channeled through the new fund should be allocated to adaptation. 

These proportions may need to be revised over time, but this is the balanced approach we should take now.

And if we don’t, surely it will be a recipe for disaster for those who are already the hardest-hit. 

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[VOICE] Ivory Coast: The Water , Energy and Climate Change Nexus

Over the past several decades, Ivory Coast like many countries in West Africa has experienced intense drought events. This was the consequences of an estimated gap of about -20% to -60% in rainfall which resulted in a deficit of river runoff ranging from -30% to -80% as reported by several scientific studies.

Meanwhile, the social and economic development of these countries predominantly based on agriculture has not been integrated into a planned response to environmental threats. Some action has been taken by the Government however despite the efforts by the governments- the actual action undertaken towards improving environmentally sound practices remain weak. The most immediate effect of this reduced water availability is the threat to activities like rain-fed agriculture which is the primary option for the poorest farmers to make a living.

Industrial crops like cocoa and coffee are also at risk. Ivory Coast is the first cocoa bean producer in the world however due to changing climate patterns people are leaving old production area located in the north-east part of the country to establish new cocoa plantation in suitable areas located in the south-eastern part of the country. This shift in geographical location for plantations has a serious side-effect. Since the 1960s, Ivory Coast which was a heavily forested country has lost about 80% of its forest area.The remaining forests are located in the south-eastern part of the country within the National Park of Taï - which is one of the remaining forest of the Guinean variety. Nowadays due to increased pressure on land due to the need for finding suitable agricultural land this area too is under encroachment by groups looking to set up plantations.

Thus climate change has not only affected agriculture, climate change has also brought about severe damage to other infrastructure projects like hydro-power plants. As far back as 1983-84 the country was in the throes of major power cuts because all the hydro-power dams were almost dry due to an unprecedented drought episode. This situation continues to haunt us even today (Hydroelectricity accounts for only 27% of the net national energy production). The government continues to sanction more hydro power projects even issue related to resettlement of displaced population during the construction of hydropower dams earliest are still unresolved and on the agenda.

To help address such complex and crosscutting issues of the nexus of water, society and climate change, urgent and strong measures must be taken both at national and international level. For my country it is not an option to continue to deal with a dual edged sword of poverty and climate variability. As an African I have a question to ask - are we going to accept a new failure under the climate negotiations in Cancun?     

What a pity!

Ange-Benjamin Brida

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