Tag: review

CAN Submission: 2013 - 2015 Review

 

The First Periodical Review process provides the opportunity to reinforce science-based knowledge into the highly political UNFCCC negotiations. It could contribute to the new deal in 2015. Some say that the review is probably the most important near-term opportunity to strengthen action to limit climate change. Thus, an effective review process could contribute to an ‘upward spiral of ambition’ on global emission reduction limiting global temperature rise below 1.5 degree C. This can only be achieved if the current pledge-and-review phase is overcome and the international community agrees on a new legally binding instrument applicable to all countries, including developed countries that are not parties to the Kyoto Protocol.

As already outlined in section (a) application of principles of the Convention, the 2015 agreement should fully respect the principles of equity including common but differentiated responsibility and respective capability and equitable access to sustainable development. This will result in a range of national obligations, including mitigation actions. It is appropriate for countries at different levels of responsibility and capacity to take different kinds of mitigation action.

Countries with high capacity and responsibility are candidates for ambitious, legally-binding, economy-wide, quantified emissions reduction targets. Countries identified in Annex 1 of the Convention must agree in the 2015 agreement to legally-binding, economy-wide, quantified emissions reduction targets, the level of ambition of which should be informed by the science and the 2013-2015 Review and by equity. It is expected that this will be in excess of 40% below 1990 levels by 2020. Other kinds of commitments include, but are not limited to, renewable energy and/or energy efficiency targets and sectoral targets. Countries with low capacity and responsibility would only be obliged to take nationally-appropriate mitigation actions explicitly contingent on financial and technical support. All commitments and actions should be amenable to measurement and reporting to ensure that global goals are being met.

The ADP is mandated on preparing the 2015 climate deal, which can be supported by an efficient first periodical review.

The Review starts in 2013 and should be concluded by 2015 with COP21 taking appropriate action according to the Review's findings. The foremost scientific source of information will be the IPCC with its Special Reports on extreme weather events (SREX) and renewable energies (SRREN) and in particular, its 5th Assessment Report (AR5) to be adopted in 2013/2014. Moreover, the national communications and the biannual reports of the countries will be taken into consideration.

The Review should take into account an assessment of the overall aggregated effect of the steps taken by Parties in order to achieve the ultimate objective of the Convention and should consider strengthening the long-term global goal, referencing various matters presented by the science, including in relation to temperature rises of 1.5 °C.

As Parties need to commit to a solid process to identify and agree on a long term global goal and commit to inscribing it in the 2015 legally-binding outcome, it is necessary to turn this around and put global emissions on a pathway to keep warming well below 2°C, and to keep 1.5°C within reach, global emissions must peak by 2015. The long term global goal should be informed by the science and by the 2013-2015 Review. How the effort to achieve this long term global goal is allocated amongst parties, or groups of parties, should be informed by the discussions on equity. In order to inform the scale of individual party commitments, the global goal will need to be determined early in the process – by 2014 at the latest.

Whilst a 2050 goal is very important, it will be of greatest use with an indicative pathway, which can be used as a guide for future ambition, and can be used as a measure of whether we are on track to meet internationally agreed objectives.

In light of this, in the in-session workshop on the first periodical review during SB 38, available information should be considered. Paragraph 161 in 2/CP.17 mentions sources, as long as IPCC AR5 has not been adopted, the IPCC Special Reports SREX and SRREN (e.g. the scenarios with the highest Renewable Energy shares global primary energy supply reach approximately 43% in 2030 and 77% in 2050) contain important relevant information. CAN wants to mention, additionally,

-       to better understand which different short term action is needed either to limit warming below 1.5 degrees

-       to better understand the roles and characteristics of different sectors and technologies for mitigation:
e.g. that transport  - in line with decision 2/CP.17, par. 160 (c) and (d) especially international transport, as a major, general point must be included in FPR considerations - might will probably be one of the most difficult sectors and what implications this has for the dynamics to tackle it especially when structural change is part of the solution

-       to ensure cumulative global CO2 emissions until 2100 compatible with the long term goal and which share of proven fossil resources need to remain below the ground and what are the best instruments to guarantee that this will be respected

-       how the special warming effects from aviation emissions (from contrails and cirrus clouds) can be effectively mapped in climate scenarios until 2050 or even 2100 so that policy makers better understand this effect, draw conclusions on that and discuss on action necessary to minimise these effects.

COP decision 1/CP.18 states “Recalling that the first review should start in 2013 and be concluded in 2015, when the Conference of the Parties shall take appropriate action based on the review”.

The workshop should give signals if direct action as draft COP decision in 2015 should result from the 2013 – 2015 Review, or if the FPR primarily feeds ADP Workstream 2 to increase short-term ambition.

 
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Next Steps to Enhance the Review

The start of the first periodic review (2013 – 2015) is approaching.  This is intended to be a strong science-based instrument to increase ambition. 

But still there is no decision on which body will conduct the review. Informal groups have ongoing meetings but there has not been much convergence. The most convincing solution would involve a review expert group which would preferably be established here in Doha and assisted by the Secretariat going forward.
 
This group would gather new scientific intelligence from the coming Fifth Assessment Report of the IPCC and many other sources including the UNEP gigatonne gap overviews, biannual reports and reports from ICA and IAR.
 
Of course inputs and submissions from Parties are necessary. But ECO is perplexed: why is there no mention of observer participation in the draft decision, through submissions or otherwise? Surely those experiences, data and insights can add measurable value to this crucially important new initiative.
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Small But Powerful

The Review is sometimes thought of as a minor agenda item. ECO does not agree. It reincorporates scientific findings in the political UNFCCC negotiations in order to raise ambition and close the gigatonne gap. So, negotiators, if you happened to forget its significance, this is a reminder to pay sufficient attention to the discussion on the first periodic Review (2013-15).

At COP18, we need several decisions on the Review – most of all a decision on its scope, but also on the modalities. Modalities would include the body to conduct the Review and a finalized workplan for a timely start, effective work and strong recommendations in 2015. The workplan must not be forgotten over contradicting views on the scope (reviewing 2°C or reviewing the long-term global goal and the process towards achieving it (as phrased in Cancun) or to the means of implementation). Mexico yesterday suggested bridging the differing views on the scope by starting with the Cancun language and possibly later further defining the scope. Gracias, Mexico!

In case Parties, at a later point in time, seek to consider reviewing the means of implementation, ECO suggests inserting a chapeau in the coming draft decision on the scope, referring to the different reviews in the Cancun and Durban decisions on finance, technology, capacity building and biennial reporting. These various decisions to review the means of implementation have already been taken, so that there is no need to duplicate this undertaking in the first periodic review (2013-2015). A better approach would be to strengthen all reviews by linking the first periodical Review to the other review processes. This would make them more powerful at all ends.

In summary, ECO is confident that it is possible to find a way out of the present stalemate concerning the review 2013-2015, so that the review can begin in 2013.

ECO appreciated the chair's facilitation of yesterday's spin-off group, moving the discussion to the modalities, such as the potential expert group that would conduct the Review and first steps in organising the work starting next year.

Of course, ECO already has its own perceptions and milestones in mind for the 2013-2015 Review roadmap:

1) Beginning in 2013 with a workshop on the Special Reports of IPCC (SRREN and SREX) at SB38

2) A subsequent workshop back-to-back to the adoption of AR5/WG I of IPCC at the COP in 2013, where conclusions on WG I-related issues for the Review will be drawn.

3) In May 2014 there should be a second workshop back-to-back to the adoption of AR5/WG III (including WG II related issues), so that...

4)...SB40 in June 2014 could draw conclusions on it

5) After adoption of the Synthesis Report of AR5, a workshop could be planned

6) The COP in 2014 should take note of this analytical phase of the review and take a decision on the envisaged steps on the Review for 2015 that lead to action

7) In 2014/15 the political analysis should take place

8) To ensure action in 2015, SB 42 should write a draft decision on the action the COP should take on the basis of the review

All these activities should inform the other, above-mentioned review processes to create small but powerful tools for avoiding dangerous climate change.

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MRV and the Virtues of Clarity

As we look closely at the current state of the negotiations, the LCA text released over the weekend falls short of the advances we need on both clarification and accounting. Without more progress this week the environmental integrity of the regime will decay if not disappear altogether.

Amidst all the talk of lack of ambition, one would think that the far from sufficient pledges in hand today would at least be solid. But we don’t clearly know what is in the pledges and the foundation on which they supposedly stand – a solid accounting framework – is also at risk.

Here’s why we care about clarification of pledges. Recent workshops showed that countries have not been very forthcoming about their pledges, including underlying methodologies and assumptions. This is a serious problem for tracking progress towards both domestic goals and global temperature targets – and that’s at the heart of the matters before us, right?

We are looking at real challenges to understanding aggregate reductions, a key input into the 2013-2015 review.

And that’s not all. Without more transparency, it will also be difficult to avoid double counting of emissions reductions. So let’s review piece by piece where the text falls short.

Regarding Annex I targets, the text calls for workshops, a technical paper, and a template to be filled out by Parties (Chapter IIA, Para 9).

This is a good start, but the template should also request Parties to be forthcoming about market-based mechanisms accounting methodologies, procedures to avoid double counting, the use of uncovered sectors or gases acting as domestic offsets (if applicable) and related methodologies. And the template should be included in the Durban decision..

On non-Annex I actions, the text invites Parties to submit information on their actions (Chapter IIB, Para 23).

However, an invitation alone will not necessarily result in the information necessary for tracking performance. The COP should also create a mandate for non-Annex I Parties to provide information through the completion of templates or questionnaires, with capacity support as needed. These should be specific to various pledge types, given the diversity of actions.

Lastly, SBSTA should establish a process on how these details should be reported in biennial reports, and define adjustment procedures so Parties don’t just change assumptions and methodologies willy nilly with no real justification.

Now here’s why we care about accounting. Accounting for emission reductions is at the heart of environmental integrity of the climate regime. If done in a transparent, consistent, comparable, complete, and accurate manner, accounting ensures comparability, the ability to add up and assess global emissions reductions, and quality in the carbon market.

And here’s where the text falls short. On Annex I, while the text acknowledges the need for a common system for measuring progress (Chapter IIA, Para 14), the text does not refer to the word “accounting”, leaving the text fuzzy and vulnerable to co-opting. 

The text further calls for a work programme to establish such a system but fails to mention “common” and “accounting”.

And a work programme is not necessary for Annex I targets, considering the experience we have gained through the Kyoto Protocol. There is no date by which the work programme is completed, so clearly these elements are just tactics for delay.

So to recap, If we are to preserve any environmental integrity of this regime, provisions for clarification of pledges and proper accounting needs to be strengthened this week.

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10 Points of Action

Ministers – thank goodness you are here. Your delegations may have been burning some midnight oil in the last few days – but they have left the hard decisions for you! Here’s what your agenda for the next 4 days looks like:

1.  Don’t just “Mind the Gap” – do something! Ministers, at Durban you must show that you live on the same planet as the rest of us and acknowledge that the current mitigation pathway puts us on track for over 4° C warming. You must explicitly acknowledge the 6 to 11 Gigatonne gap, agree to a 2012 work plan to close the gap by increasing developed country targets to at least 40% by 2020, and provide guidelines and timeframes for NAMAs to be registered and supported where required. The ambition work plan must include clear markers through 2012, including submissions, technical papers and a dedicated intersessional meeting, to ensure we don’t have another year of wishy washy workshops with outcomes.

2. Commit for the long term. Negotiators have made no progress at all in setting a peak year and a long term global goal for emissions. Ministers now should explicitly agree that each country contribute their fair share to the globally needed mitigation effort, leading to a peak by 2015 and a reduction of global emissions of at least 80% below 1990 by 2050.

3. Stop spinning wheels in the Review. Ministers need to ensure that the Review will be effective, and limiting the scope will help it get off the ground as an effective instrument. We must focus on the important things: reviewing the long-term goal and the overall progress towards achieving it. Leave the biannual reports under MRV to cover the inputs like the means of implementation.

4. High Time for legally binding. A 5 year long second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol is an absolute necessity as it contains important architectural elements which are crucial to ensure that mitigation commitments are legally binding and have environmental integrity. Nobody believes that a temperature rise of 4° C might be OK. So now is the moment to act decisively. An LCA mandate to agree a comprehensive legally binding instrument can build on the KP. Parties need to go beyond their long stated positions and immediately kick off negotiations toward a comprehensive, fair, ambitious and binding agreement to be agreed no later than 2015.

6. KP is essential – but it must have integrity. When added together, loopholes in the KP could wipe out Annex I ambition for the second commitment period.

In LULUCF, hidden and unaccounted emissions could significantly undermine Annex I targets, and cause us to doubt your commitment. Ministers must therefore ensure emissions from forests and land use are accurately accounted and reject the options on the table with the lowest environmental integrity.

All of the parties to this relationship know that the hot air / carried over AAUs is a bad joke that threatens to sour our relationship.  To keep it pure we need you to retire your surplus AAUs, or at least reduce them to 1%. Flexible mechanisms need clear rules and governance structures to avoid double counting of both emissions and finance, strengthen additionality testing and ensuring the standardization frenzy does not leave us with a highway for free-riders. Let’s start by keeping CCS and nuclear out of the CDM and let’s exclude coal power projects. Last but not least, we do indeed need stakeholder involvement in the CDM. Don’t back down, we are counting on you!

PS: CDM’s little brother JI has been up to a bunch of no-good stuff: hot air gussied up in new clothes (ERUs) is still hot air.

7. Fill the Fund. Operationalising the GCF in Durban is essential but not nearly enough – an empty fund is no good to anyone. We need initial capitalization of the GCF from developed country Parties in Durban. Reaching $100 billion per year by 2020 will require a commitment to scaled up finance from 2013 onward and clear progress on innovative approaches to generate finance. In Durban, parties should move forward on the establishment of mechanisms in the shipping and aviation sectors in a way that reduces emissions, generates finance, and ensures no burdens and costs on developing countries. Countries must also agree to a detailed one year work programme under the UNFCCC to consider a full range of innovative sources of public finance and report back to COP 18 with a proposal for action.

8. Gear Up and Deliver Technology. Technology is heading in the right direction, but speed is needed! Don’t be held back by other laggards. The Tech Mechanism could be operational by the end of COP 18.

9. Feel the Love for Transparency and Stakeholders. Your negotiators excised stakeholders’ right to participate from the IAR text and subject to heavy bracketing in ICA. But we know, Ministers, that you recognize the worth of engaging stakeholders to create a better process – rather than having us only campaign from the outside. Current text also falls short on common accounting rules for Annex I countries and clarification of pledges for all countries. Surely we’ve learned from the financial crisis! Robust reporting, such as Biennial Reviews and Biennial Update Report guidelines, including tables for reporting actions, and a common reporting format for finance must be agreed in Durban, so countries can complete their biennial reports in time for the first review. And where would this relationship between us and the planet, be without compliance for our commitments!

10.  An ambitious adaptation package at the African COP. Good agreements on Loss and Damage and the Nairobi Work Programme have already been reached. Wrapping up the package will require agreement on a strong Adaptation Committee including active civil society observers and direct reporting to the COP (as well to the SBs when COP does not meet). Furthermore, guidelines for National Adaptation Plans for Least Developed Countries must be adopted, plus modalities on how other developing countries can take these up. The prioritisation for LDCs must of course not be undermined.

A strong role for local, affected communities and civil society in national planning processes, building on the principles agreed in the Cancun Adaptation Framework, is essential. Finally, Parties must ensure that the Adaptation Fund does not dry up because of decreasing CER prices and lack of new pledges to the Fund from developed countries.

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Guide to De-Bracketing MRV

ECO is here to help negotiators remove some brackets from that new MRV text that is hot off the press, and insert a few critical items that Parties have somehow forgotten.

So pick up your erasers (or warm up your Delete keys) and let’s get to work!

Stakeholder participation – Observer participation is still bracketed in the ICA and largely absent or conditioned in the IAR. Inexcusable! Stakeholders, including NGOs, businesses and municipalities, have a right to participate and contribute important scientific and technical information to the negotiations.

Accounting and compliance – These two words seem to be toxic to some developed country parties, like the USA and Canada, but including them in international assessment and review (IAR) is fundamental. The IAR must review the accounting of emission reductions and lead to future compliance mechanisms under the Convention. You can see where things go otherwise; the lack of good accounting and compliance played a big role in the financial crisis.

Adjustments – A tonne is a tonne is a tonne. Not only do we need common accounting rules, in the IAR technical review, the review teams need to be able to adjust data when the rules aren’t followed. Brackets around adjustments – off!

MRV and the Review – Biennial reports, biennial update reports, and the IAR and international consultation and analysis (ICA) processes are key to providing an accurate picture of global emissions for the 2013 Review. This link is reflected in the IAR preamble but inexplicably has been deleted from the ICA preamble. This link and an appropriate timeline should be agreed. Developed country reports should be in by 1 January 2013 and developing country reports on 1 January 2014; and the IAR and ICA should start in May 2013 and May 2014, respectively. This timeline is crucial for providing effective input in the review process.

Developed country Biennial reports – It is troubling to see that the information on LULUCF and market mechanisms for developed country targets is bracketed. Remove the darn []’s! We need the information and it should be based on common rules.

New and additional finance – A key part of enhanced transparency in climate finance is defining “new and additional”. So don’t forget to keep that box in the Common Reporting Format for finance;.

National Communication guidelines need updating all around. Parties must agree in Durban to update the guidelines for both developed and developing countries. Currently, the text only has a provision for revising developed country guidelines.

Low Carbon Development Strategies – Most Parties seem to be forgetting paragraphs 45 and 65 from Cancún about low carbon plans, even if a lot of countries are moving forward domestically with them. Biennial reports focus on what has been achieved; but planning for a decarbonized future is crucial and that is where these strategies come in. We need a process to report on the development of those plans and share best practices.

Response measures don’t belong in IAR. (Do we need to say it again?) Consideration of the adverse impacts of mitigation actions is already done more than adequately as part of the annual review of GHG inventories. It has no place in the IAR process. This is a climate change convention, after all.

REDD+ reporting – A summary of REDD+ activities, including actions, methodologies, accounting and safeguards information systems, should be included in Biennial Update Reports and NatComms.

Beyond the text itself, countries could move the process forward if they made some concrete announcements. Take for example the USA. For all its rhetoric on transparency, they have yet to put forward serious money to support developing country biennial reports and the ICA process. The entire developed world has an interest in and an obligation to support these initiatives. Announcements of support in Durban would go a long way to ensure robust guidelines are adopted.

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Scientific Reality Check Desperately Needed

Lack of ambition? Actions don’t meet the urgency? There is help for that: the Review agreed in Cancun is a key tool to re-inject ambition and a sense of urgency as well as collective responsibility into the climate regime – all of which seems to have been lost in recent years. It is the scientific reality check on our political debate.

That is why ECO insists that the terms of reference for the Review be finalized at Durban! This means that Parties will have to decide on a suitable body to conduct the Review and its further modalities as soon as possible. Getting the timing right is also critical: the Review must be completed in good time to provide action-oriented recommendations to COP 21 in 2015. The IPCC’s Fifth Assessment Report will be one crucial input to the review; its Synthesis Report needs to be finalized before COP 20 in 2014 so that it, together with the reports from the individual IPCC working groups, can fully inform deliberations on the Review.

ECO reminds Parties that the Review is not a technical paper, but a report on the adequacy of the 2°C limit and the evidence base for possibly strengthening it to a 1.5°C limit. Moreover, there is already little doubt that the Review will illuminate the unconscionable inadequacy of the current pledges.

Of course, the Review will not be the only input available to Parties as they consider options for building a more comprehensive and ambitious climate regime. National communications and biennial reports, along with updated mitigation pledges from both developed and developing countries, will illuminate both the progress being made, as well as the remaining gap that must be closed if we are to keep global temperature increases below the 2°C agreed by leaders in Copenhagen, much less the 1.5°C limit called for by over 100 countries.

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