Durban Expectations - Spanish Summary
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Tag: China
CAN Position - Views on the CDM Appeals Procedure - Jun 2011
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Lawyers can't, can we?
Submitted by MBrockley on
Lina Li
Consultant
Shanshui Conservation Center
China
I landed in Maritim Hotel- first time here building on previous mixed (both sweet and bitter memories) COP experience in Copenhagen and Cancun, with two big questions in my head:
1. How can we pursue the extension of Kyoto Protocol, the second commitment period of the ('KP CP 2')?
2. How can we avoid a 'gap' between the first and the second commitment period?
After doing some homework of reading the secretariat technical paper and other relevant lectures, I thought, “aha, lawyers seem to already offer some answers!”
We have a basket of choices among a treaty, two protocols, amendment plus a protocol, COP decisions, or political agreement; we also have provisional arrangements to deal with the gap (considering ratification would most probably take beyond 2012).
To further explore the full answers, I joined in the legal working group of CAN.
The two weeks of the climate talks were filled with energy and deliberations to dig into the legal group's work -- intensive meetings and discussions within the working group and beyond, plenaries, contact groups, informals, rumors in corridors, bilaterals, media relations and briefings...It turned out that lawyers can't answer my questions, simply because they are political in nature rather than simply legal; the choices are in the hands of the politicians and negotiators. And we can and should make them make the right ones.
What is the right choice? KP CP2!
What's so good about it?
- the top down architecture that hold parties accountable
- the quantitative emission reduction targets
- the rules and infrastructure of institutions for MRV
- flexible mechanisms for cost effective solutions
The list could go quit long here, bearing in mind it is way far from a perfect system!
And an even more powerful answer is to see what would happen if we don't have a second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol?
To quote a respectful experienced colleague who has followed the negotiations for over a decade, “everything in the negotiation will probably shut down and it is the END of the game.” This might sound a little scary and it actually is! If we lose the regime, it will take us another many decades to get another one!
Being in the negotiations seeing countries finger pointing to each other and sticking to their own interest (some are poorly self-defined), I am constantly reminded that we are living in an imperfect world. But that's not stopping us from making the best out of it and building for a better one. We just need a bit more wisdom and bravery. By we, I mean everyone here in Maritim- especially those wearing pink country representative badges!
This CAN Southern Capacity Building fellowship, as expectedly cool, exiting and challenging as it is, really gave me a wonderful two weeks in Bonn, with chances to observe, learn and OWN the participation and CONTRIBUTE to influence the UN climate talks. With my knowledge growing, I am also able to share more with my Chinese colleagues, and transfer the knowledge and experience here to the policy-working group of CCAN.
Bonn is the start point as SCB fellow, while a long way to go, I will keep on tracking my topics, working with my colleagues in the legal working group of CAN, interacting with other SCB fellows and the experts we've met, and more importantly, I will keep up the policy work (for both domestic climate legislation and policies, and international works e.g. COP 17 and Rio +20) together with other Chinese NGO colleagues, building our capacity, and enhancing our impact.
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CAN's Durban Expectations Summary - Russian
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CAN Intervention - LCA plenary - 17 June 2011
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Chinese Lead Negotiator Reads ECO
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Photo Credit: Alden Meyer
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Farewell Bonn, Hello… Who Knows?
Submitted by Anonymous on
At the time ECO went to press, we’d heard all sorts of rumors about where the next intersessional might be: Panama, Bangkok, Mars? But despite this week’s lunar eclipse, our thoughts are firmly earthbound. ECO is confident that parties can see the sense in holding another intersessional, including workshops, technical negotiations, and the resumed sessions of the two AWGs. But, dear delegates, please leave behind the tedious haggling-over-the-agenda sessions. An additional meeting must be used productively so that Durban has a better chance of delivering the basis for a fair, ambitious and binding agreement.
First, developed countries must acknowledge there is no alternative to a Kyoto Protocol second commitment period. Period.
We deplore the current stance taken by Japan, Canada and Russia. The hypocrisy is staggering. Japan presided over the COP that produced the KP. Russia’s support for the KP brought the treaty into force. Canada deftly launched the negotiations for a second commitment period (CP2) in Montreal. Where are those climate ambitions now?
The rest of the pack – the EU, Australia, New Zealand, Norway and Switzerland – used Bonn to elaborate their conditions for joining a KP CP2. We expect these countries to declare their full support for extending Kyoto’s commitments beyond 2012, and to come to Durban with pledges that top their current commitments. The world shouldn’t accept anything less!
The unvarnished truth, however, is that what is on the table now is not going to deliver a safe climate. Even the US has acknowledged that developed countries need to decarbonise their economies by 2050, based on low-carbon development strategies; as agreed in Cancún. These low carbon development strategies should contain a 2050 decarbonization goal, a plan to get there, and initial reduction targets of more than 40% by 2020, based on common accounting rules and
enhanced national communications and biennial reporting as essential ingredients.
A second piece of the puzzle should be tackled by developing countries.
As AOSIS noted in their workshop presentation, developing countries also have a role to play in closing the gigatonne gap. ECO looks to all developing countries who have not yet submitted pledges to the UNFCCC or have not elaborated their plans further, including Argentina, Brazil, Indonesia, DRC, Nigeria, Iran, Venezuela, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, and Thailand. It’s not on their shoulders alone. But they need to make it clear how they can reach their ambitions through a mix of supported and unsupported actions.
The third major element of the Durban package is finance.
Finance negotiators have been hard at work on designing the Green Climate Fund and the Standing Committee. But all too many are missing the big picture: that the best-designed financial institutions in the world will be quite useless without substantial finance to govern. Concrete decisions must be made at COP17 to move us firmly onto a pathway to increase climate finance so as to reach $100bn per year by 2020, as committed by developed countries in Cancún.
Here in Bonn, the US has worked furiously to block much-needed discussions on all sources of finance, from budgetary contributions to supplementary innovative financing options such as bunkers, FTTs and SDRs. Discussion is also needed on common but differentiated responsibility for climate finance, no net incidence and compensation. We’re relieved to see some countries are asking for workshops to pave the way to a appropriately ramped-up 2013-2020 climate finance plan; all developed countries need to come to Durban prepared to put forward their mid-term financing commitments from 2013 onwards.
Finally, Durban must launch negotiations on a complementary legally binding agreement to Kyoto.
This agreement should address the major elements of the Bali Accord: comparable mitigation commitments by the United States, expanded financial commitments by developed countries, and developing country action. Virtually every country says they support a legally binding agreement; in Durban, they must rise above their well-known differences on the exact form of such an agreement and commit to turning those words into action.
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Four C
Submitted by MBrockley on
Lina Li
Consultant
Shanshui Conservation Center
China
Chinese people like simplifying things. So I'd like to use four key words (all of which initial with initial C) to take you through a brief update at what we (the Chinese NGOs) are doing in China to combat climate change.
1. China
It might be too early to say it is another climate year in China since Copenhagen. But for sure there are a lot going on within China now regarding climate policy-the air is heating up (or let's say cooling down, since we are reducing more GHG emissions?:)
1) 12th FYP
Five year plan (FYP) is the macro economic and social development plan that the central government issues every five years which sets the direction for the country with specific targets. This March, Beijing launched the 12th FYP (2011-2015). Building on the energy intensity target of 11th FYP (as 20% reduction of 2010 compared to 2005), it includes three key quantitative targets related to climate: energy intensity (reduction rate of 16%), carbon intensity (of 17%) -- both with 2010 as baseline, and increase the renewables in the overall primary energy consumption to 11.4% from the current, little more than 8%.
It also marks the first time that in our FYP, there is a dedicated chapter on climate change, with three sub-sector: adaptation, mitigation and international cooperation. It's not called 'energy security', nor 'low carbon development' , it is called the 'climate change' sector. This shows that climate change is at the center point of China's domestic policy.
2) Programs and projects
The targets look motivating, but can be also pointless without solid implementation plans. There have been quite concrete projects and programs to meet the above targets. The 'five Provinces and eight cities program' selected 13 cities and provinces all over China to develop low carbon plans and its supporting policy framework, including climate change work on local strategy, educating the public on green lifestyles and setting-up measurement system of GHG emissions. 100 cities have been piloted as renewable showcase cities. Grid companies are asked to take measures to reduce electricity usage by customers by 0.3% compared to last year (Demand Side Management). And Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Chongqing, Guangzhou and Hunan have been selected to test emissions trading scheme with the expectation to launch by 2013 and roll out by 2015. The '10 cities and 1000 vehicles' program is set to support electric vehicle promotions.
3) Climate Change Law
The NDRC is also drafting the first climate change legislation in China, aiming to finish the first draft by early 2012 to the being latest 2013 (overall timeline is 2011-2015). Many crosscutting issues are planned to include in this so-called 'practice-oriented' law such as institutional structure, emission trading, CCS, low carbon development. Public consultation is also on-going.
2. Climate
1) Working together – CCAN
Chinese NGOs do have difficulties regarding vague legal status, lack of resources, and sometimes capacity. But many NGOs (typically environmental ones) have been working on various issues related to climate in through approaches. Realizing 'together we are stronger', we have been working together centered around CCAN for several years. Building on the collaborations over Tianjin and Cancun last year, this spring the NGOs sat together to reflect what we have done and discussed how we could work together better. Two working groups were formed since then - one on policy and one on action. And the policy working group came up with a concrete yearlong plan with scoping of NGO competence, study group (capacity building scheme), working on COP and climate law, etc. We have held regular meetings and online discussions to progress our planned work.
2) Interaction with the government
In the past, Chinese NGOs, especially grassroots, focused our work primarily on campaigning (influencing the public and communities to act on climate change) and policy was an area we did not cover much due to political sensitivity and our own capacity gap. Hence the interaction with government was also somehow hidden in our work (not in a regular, coordinated and effective manner). The climate topic gives us a golden opportunity (since the government is more and more open to the NGOs regarding this topic). We've (by we I mean not only Chinese NGOs but also international NGOs working in China like Greenpeace, WWF, Oxfam, etc) been holding regular meetings collectively with NDRC to exchange our views and seek ways to enhance our policy work. The last one was held last week on the topic of climate change law. For us this journey has just started, but is definitely challenging and interesting.
3. COP
1) COP working plan
We are planning to continue the regular policy working group meeting monthly as well as interacting with the government regularly. A 'China day' event has been planned before Durban to showcase the NGO work. A filming campaign is also set to record stories from all over China from bottom-up work on climate issues. Exchanges with international NGOs (e.g the Europeans) are also planned.
2) RIO+20 working plan
Rio+20, to be held next year, will focus on the green economy under the background of poverty eradication and sustainable development. This is highly linked with our climate work. Three working streams have been identified: following negotiations and policy advocacy, collaborating with international NGOs, and review and assessment of China's 21st century agenda implementation from the NGO perspective.
4. C+
A bigger plan is under way, which could set our work within a bigger framework to increase our impact, streamline our direction, and support a stronger voice. We call it C+ in light of 'beyond COP, beyond Climate and beyond China', aiming at mobilizing all citizens, the business sector, schools, communities, etc. to do more than what the governments have plagued.
The South Capacity Building program of CAN offers me a great chance, at this crucial moment, for international negotiation and also for China's domestic green pathway building up, to learn, to network, to connect Chinese NGOs (especially our policy work) with CAN, and to expand the cooperation.
For sure, there is a long way to go, both for myself and Chinese NGOs, but I am confident Bonn would be a nice step forward.
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CAN position - HFC-23 abatement projects - Jun 2011
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Following the request by the Conference of the Parties (COP)1 the Subsidiary Body for Scientific and Technological Advice (SBSTA), will discuss options to address the implications of the establishment of new HCFC-22 facilities seeking to obtain Certified Emissions Reductions (CERs) for the destruction of HFC-23. CAN strongly urges delegates to adopt option 1) Making new HCFC-22 facilities ineligible under the CDM.
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LULUCF Briefing - Bioenergy
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Under international accounting rules significant emissions from bioenergy are not being accounted for, meaning that bioenergy is not fulfilling its potential as a climate mitigation tool and in some cases emits more carbon than fossil fuels. This briefing explores the reasons for this accounting failure and what must be done to resolve this issue.
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